Nuclear energy has environmental pluses; safety remains an issue

I thought nuclear reactors were an absolute no-go for environmentalists. But I keep hearing them touted as a clean energy source. What are nuclear energy's green credentials?

Some environmentalists are indeed coming around to nuclear energy. That's because the nuclear fission process produces virtually no greenhouse gas emissions, unlike the burning of fossil fuels such as coal and natural gas. (Those two fossil fuels accounted for about 70 percent of U.S. electricity in 2008. Nukes made 20 percent.) Also, fission produces neither sulfur dioxide nor nitrogen oxides, the fossil-fuel pollutants that cause acid rain.

Advocates are fond of noting that nuclear power provides 70 percent of the country's "carbon-free" energy. But nuclear energy isn't really a zero-carbon system, since you still have to build power plants, mine and enrich uranium, and transport processed fuel, all of which typically rely on CO2-emitting fuel sources. Even when the entire life cycle is taken into account, however, nuclear energy warms the planet much less than coal or natural gas. The comparison with renewables such as wind and solar (which also generate emissions in the manufacturing phase) is less cut and dried.

While it's commonly accepted that nuclear energy has a relatively dainty footprint, the question of whether new reactors would be the most cost-effective way to lower electricity-related emissions is still hotly debated. The fuel itself is relatively inexpensive, at least for the time being. But as noted in Time, recent price estimates for a large plant in Florida came in at $12 billion to $18 billion, and that's before you consider the nuclear industry's history of major cost overruns.

Some analysts say alternative methods would yield much more climate-saving bang for our buck than nuclear power. For example, Amory Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute argues that we should be investing in general efficiency measures and "micropower," a catchall term that includes cogeneration of heat and electricity, plus renewables other than big hydropower operations.

What about safety concerns? Admittedly, there's a fright factor with nuclear power. But in the 31 years since the partial meltdown at Three Mile Island, there haven't been any emergencies in the United States that remotely approached the severity of that incident, though there have been some close calls.

The government's Nuclear Regulatory Commission has a set safety goal for every reactor in the country: The chance of an accident that results in radioactivity being released to the environment must be no more than one in a million, as determined by probabilistic risk assessment. But even the longest of odds will never satisfy everyone, especially after the cataclysmic drilling accident in the Gulf of Mexico. In recent years, a number of leaks of radioactive water have stoked environmentalist ire, although nearby residents were not exposed to dangerous doses of radiation.

Meanwhile, nuclear proliferation risks remain a prohibitive concern for many experts. And many environmentalists continue to give nukes the stink eye because, as the Lantern noted in an earlier column, after 50 years we still don't have a long-term plan for storing high-level commercial nuclear waste.

But long-term disposal is a problem we're saddled with no matter what: Whether we ramp up nuclear energy production or shut down all our plants tomorrow, we'll have at least 62,500 metric tons of used nuclear fuel to deal with.

Atomic energy also generates other environmental concerns. Like conventional power plants, a nuclear site cranks out electricity using steam-driven turbines. Cooling those operations often requires a whole lot of water, the drawing and releasing of which can affect aquatic wildlife.

Uranium mining can also damage the environment. Mining and milling operators must deal with mill tailings, the radioactive material left over after the uranium has been extracted from the ore, as well as waste rock and radiologically contaminated equipment.

For all this, it's worth noting that uranium is a very efficient energy source: One ton of natural uranium can produce the same number of kilowatt-hours as 16,000 tons of coal or 80,000 barrels of oil.

The Lantern doesn't find herself particularly freaked out by atomic energy. The long-term waste conundrum seems more pressing: After all, isn't the notion that you don't bequeath problems to your descendants a major tenet of environmentalism? At the same time, global warming is itself a dire legacy, and every energy technology has its pitfalls. So if nuclear power can play a role in cooling our planet, the Lantern thinks it deserves to stay on the table.

Is there an environmental quandary that's been keeping you up at night? Send it to ask.the.lantern@gmail.com. Read previous Green Lantern columns here.

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Documents indicate heavy use of dispersants in gulf oil spill

While the BP well was still gushing, the Obama administration issued an order that limited the spreading of controversial dispersant chemicals on the Gulf of Mexico's surface. Their use, officials said, should be restricted to "rare cases."

But in reality, federal documents show, the use of dispersants wasn't rare at all.

Despite the order -- and concerns about the environmental effects of the dispersants -- the Coast Guard granted requests to use them 74 times over 54 days, and to use them on the surface and deep underwater at the well site. The Coast Guard approved every request submitted by BP or local Coast Guard commanders in Houma, La., although in some cases it reduced the amount of the chemicals they could use, according to an analysis of the documents prepared by the office of Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.).

The documents indicate that "these exemptions are in no way a 'rare' occurrence, and have allowed surface application of the dispersant to occur virtually every day since the directive was issued," Markey wrote in a letter dated Aug. 1 to retired Coast Guard Adm. Thad W. Allen, the government's point man on the spill. Markey chairs the House Select Committee on Energy Independence and Global Warming.

Some of them dealt with separate dispersant applications on the same day. Markey said it appeared that the order "has become more of a meaningless paperwork exercise" than a real attempt to curb use of the dispersants.

In an interview Saturday, Allen defended the decisions to grant the waivers, saying that overall use of dispersants declined sharply after that May 26 order to limit their use. The total use of dispersants underwater and on the surface declined about 72 percent from its peak, according to the Environmental Protection Agency.

Allen said that on some days the amount of oil on the surface justified a "tactical" decision, by on-scene Coast Guard commanders, to spray some dispersants.

"There's a dynamic tension that goes on when you're managing an incident that has no precedent," Allen said. "You establish general rules and guidelines, but knowing that the people on scene have the information" means trusting them to make decisions, he said.

In the end, Allen said: "You can quibble on the semantics related to 'rare.' I like to focus on the effects we achieved" by dispersing the oil. Officials have said that, in the days since the gusher was stopped, thick sheets of oil have nearly disappeared from the gulf's surface.

EPA Administrator Lisa P. Jackson conceded that there had been "frustration in the field" from EPA officials about the waivers. But Jackson said it was partly alleviated June 22, nearly a month after the order was issued, when Coast Guard officials began giving the EPA a greater role in the discussions over whether to approve dispersant use.

"EPA may not have concurred with every single waiver," Jackson said. But, she said, the Coast Guard had the ultimate say: "The final decision-making rests with the federal on-scene coordinator. That's where the judgment, the ultimate decision-making ability, had to lie."

The dispersants -- variants of a Nalco product called Corexit -- break up the oil, acting like a detergent on kitchen grease. They are intended to keep the oil from reaching shore in large sheets and to make it easier for microbes to consume the oil underwater.

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Overseer of BP fund gets his hands dirty

In June, President Obama tapped lawyer Kenneth R. Feinberg, 64, to oversee the $20 billion account funded by BP to compensate victims of the Gulf Coast oil spill, making him the nation's most famous mediator.

Every week, Feinberg leaves his Pennsylvania Avenue office, where the walls are adorned with dozens of pictures and news articles chronicling his work, to spend time with fishermen and others who make their living off the coastal waters.

In a recent interview with The Washington Post, the Brockton, Mass., native, who also oversaw the government's Sept. 11 Victim Compensation Fund, talked about the task ahead as he wraps up emergency claim payments and moves on to making final payments to victims. Excerpts follow:

Have you met one-on-one with people who were affected by the spill?

I've sat down personally with hundreds of people. I've had town hall meetings throughout the gulf with thousands of people. You can't do this from Washington. You have to go down there, and that's what I've been doing.

Why have the claims skyrocketed in the past two weeks?

People are getting paid. The payments are generous. People are saying, "Let's file a claim; we might get paid too." We don't know yet how many of them are legitimate.

What problems are you experiencing with processing emergency claims?

There are 25,000 claims with absolutely no documentation. Thousands of them say things like, "My neighbor got paid; pay me too." Or they say, "I fish off the gulf to eat. Send me grocery money." There are 50,000 of them with woefully inadequate documentation.

What was wrong with the BP claim centers? Why did they need to be replaced by your operation?

The BP claim centers served their purpose. It was an emergency bandage approach. Sometimes it went to the right people; sometime it went to the wrong people. I know of situations where they paid people who were in desperate straits. I've seen in many cases BP paid claimants and the payments appear to be fraudulent.

When it comes to final payments, you are counseling people to take the money. Some are suspicious of whether you are looking out for their best interests, since BP is paying your firm [Feinberg Rozen LLP] $850,000 a month to run the program. What do you say?

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As the green economy grows, the 'dirty rich' are fading away

So the blown-out oil well in the gulf has finally stopped gushing, plugged with heavy mud and awaiting the ultimate "kill" by a relief well. Yet, even with the largest oil spill in the nation's history in the background, what seems to have been killed much more quickly is Washington's will to take meaningful action on the environment. After axing climate-change legislation in late July, the Senate is now taking up a modest energy bill -- and even that effort may go nowhere.

Hopes for a pivotal BP-driven eco-moment -- remember President Obama's call in June for a new "national mission" to get America off fossil fuels? -- have dissipated, seemingly confirming the common view that powerful energy firms, and corporate America more broadly, stand as the sworn enemies of any bold new environmental rules and that they have the clout to get their way.

Except that old view is no longer quite right. In fact, big business is more divided on energy and the environment than ever before, and the growing rift reflects major power shifts in the economy. On one side are business leaders and shareholders who derive their wealth from resource extraction, fossil-fuel-based power generation and energy-intensive manufacturing -- they are the "dirty rich." On the other are business leaders who run knowledge or service companies that generate very little pollution -- the "clean rich."

The dirty rich are dying off, and the clean rich are coming of age.

Of course, the dirty rich still have enough juice on Capitol Hill to kill bills they don't like, or to neuter the federal watchdogs who oversee deepwater drilling in the Gulf of Mexico and coal mining in West Virginia. ExxonMobil, for example, is not just the second-largest American corporation; it also has the some of the deepest pockets for lobbying, spending $27.4 million on such activities in 2009, more than any other company.

But the larger transition is clear: America is witnessing the twilight of the dirty rich and the inexorable move of economic power to the clean rich. What's more, environmental values are spreading fast through affluent America, with more super-wealthy individuals putting their money behind green causes and more upscale voters expecting government action to protect the planet. Climate legislation may be dead for now, but if big money really talks in America, the long-term prospects for tougher environmental rules would seem quite good.

It is hard to understate how dramatically the sources of business wealth have shifted in the past half-century. Of the top 20 companies on the Fortune 500 list in 1960, 16 were engaged in heavy industry, such as U.S. Steel and DuPont, or resource extraction, such as Texaco and Mobil. This year's list includes just six such companies in the top 20. And two of them, GM and Ford, have been in decline for years.

Meanwhile, the dirty rich are fading from the Forbes 400 list of the wealthiest individuals. When the list was first published in 1982, 38 percent of its members had made their fortunes in oil and manufacturing, and 12 percent in finance and technology. By 2006, those ratios had nearly flipped: 36 percent of the richest Americans made their wealth from finance and tech, while 17 percent earned it from manufacturing and oil.

The dirty-rich billionaires on the Forbes list are mostly on the older side -- such as industrialists David and Charles Koch, both in their 70s. In March, one of the nation's richest oilmen, pipeline magnate Dan Duncan, died at the age of 77. Among recent newcomers to the list, few have been from dirty industries. More typical is Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg, who made the list in 2008 at age 24.

Even Texas doesn't have as many dirty rich as it used to. Fewer than half of the state's billionaires made their money in oil or energy, a major departure from earlier patterns. The two wealthiest Texans today are not oilmen; they are Alice Walton, an heir to the Wal-Mart fortune, followed by Michael Dell, a computer entrepreneur. Dell doesn't live in either of the traditional oil-money cities, Houston and Dallas; he resides in Austin, which has grown more influential in the state's cultural and political life as it has become home to numerous high-tech entrepreneurs. Dallas still has plenty of conservative oil money, but the city's economy is now powered by tech, finance and services. If the primetime soap opera "Dallas" were remade today, J.R. Ewing would probably be a telecom magnate.

The same pattern holds elsewhere. The great fortunes of Colorado used to be made from oil or mining, and the state's politicians were often creatures of these industries and unfriendly to environmentalists. Now the state's super-rich are a very different breed, including satellite TV mogul Charles Ergen and Quark founder Tim Gill. In the early 1980s, the only Forbes 400 member from the Pacific Northwest was a timber baron. Today a half-dozen billionaires live in the region, and most made their money in technology. California's Santa Clara County, which covers Silicon Valley, now has more millionaires than Manhattan.

This seismic shift in who gets rich is fast changing where politicians get their money and whom they listen to. A torrent of new cash has flowed into politics from the finance, tech and entertainment industries, and especially from the legal profession, which gave twice as much to national candidates in 2008 as any other sector. Dirty industries that once wielded enormous clout on Capitol Hill -- such as autos, steel and mining -- aren't the players they once were. Political contributions from the entire coal industry amounted to $3.5 million in 2008, while Microsoft employees contributed $3.3 million.

In 2008, John McCain far outraised Obama among employees of energy and natural resources companies, pulling in $4 million from this group. Not bad, except that Obama bested McCain in the communications and electronics sector five to one, raising $25.5 million. Until the 2002 election, the oil and gas industry -- long a deep well of GOP cash -- was consistently among the top 10 sources of money for federal candidates, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. In 2008, it ranked 16th. That same year, the entire energy and natural resources sector gave $77 million in campaign donations -- compared with $234 million given by lawyers.

The picture looks quite different when it comes to money for lobbying, with dirty industries still among the biggest spenders in Washington. But the winds may be shifting in this area as well: The once-feared automotive industry is now so weak that Detroit could barely swing a bailout last year and watched helplessly in late 2008 as its greatest champion in Congress, Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.), was ousted from a powerful chairmanship by Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Calif.), a strong environmentalist.

Of course, new-economy giants such as Hewlett-Packard have faced withering criticism of their environmental records, and the pollution from high-tech products can certainly be serious. The difference, however, is scale. While Google's servers gobble up vast amounts of energy, its products exist mainly as pixels on a screen. BlackBerrys and iPhones are pocket-size, and desktop computers, which are among the larger products of the Information Age, weigh a few hundred times less than an automobile.

Other knowledge industries, such as the legal profession, are about monetizing cognitive skills and have little to do with the old-economy model of converting natural resources into wealth. So some of the fastest-growing and richest parts of the economy aren't much affected by environmental laws -- which is why a growing slice of America's business elite has little incentive to battle them.

What's more, an ever-larger contingent of clean-tech entrepreneurs and investors will score big if Congress acts to push up the price of carbon. Last year, George Soros pledged to make $1 billion in renewable-energy investments. Other billionaires, including Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, John Doerr and Vinod Khosla, are also placing major bets in this sector.

Apart from self-interest, many of the clean rich care about the environment. They tend to be highly educated, and quite a few have scientific training. They understand that climate change is real and must be addressed now. Google, which is run by three computer scientists, set out to be carbon-neutral several years ago and says it has achieved that goal. The company even helps employees to buy hybrid vehicles. Intel co-founder Gordon Moore -- a chemist by training -- is giving hundreds of millions of dollars to help preserve fragile ecosystems.

But the roots of the clean rich go deeper. The modern environmental movement emerged in the 1960s, fueled in large part by the spread of affluence and education. There is a logic to that link: Once your material needs are met, you can turn your attention to other concerns, whether saving polar bears or the Amazon. "Postmodern values give priority to environmental protection and cultural issues," University of Michigan political scientist Ronald Inglehart has written, "even when these goals conflict with maximizing economic growth."

Inglehart bases this conclusion on decades of research through the World Values Survey, which has tracked changing attitudes in 97 countries. His findings consistently show that rising incomes and more wealth lead to environmentalism. That certainly seemed the case in 2006, when Californians voted on Proposition 87, which would have taxed oil companies to fund alternative fuels. The initiative, which failed overall, passed in higher-income counties, such as Marin and Alameda, while losing by huge margins in some of the state's poorest counties. In Modoc County, a rural area with the one of the lowest household income levels in California, only 24 percent of voters supported the initiative, compared with 72 percent in prosperous San Francisco County.

It is hardly news that affluent liberals often fret more about the environment than working-class voters. But this class divide is poised to have a larger political impact. One reason the Republican Party can blithely block attempts to address climate change, one of the gravest threats facing humanity, is that its political base is heavily weighted with less-educated and less affluent voters who live in rural areas and small towns -- and who aren't keen on government activism to protect the planet. A poll last year by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, for instance, found that support for legislation to limit carbon emissions was 16 points higher among college graduates than those with a high school diploma or less.

Yet if the GOP is to build a durable majority, it will have to move beyond this constituency. Even if Republicans take control of the House this fall, that won't change the fact that the Palin and Limbaugh wing of the party has badly hurt GOP fortunes by alienating affluent and educated donors and voters -- as witnessed most dramatically by Obama's crushing fundraising edge over McCain. Wooing back these natural allies, especially the clean rich, will require tacking to the center. And climate change, an issue driven by scientific evidence and with appeal in this newly influential community, is a great candidate for a softened stance. Its time will come soon -- and could come even faster if a few far-sighted Republicans recognize their plight and decide to hasten that transformation.

dcallahan@demos.org

David Callahan is a senior fellow at Demos, a nonprofit public policy group, and the author of "Fortunes of Change: The Rise of the Liberal Rich and the Remaking of America."

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BP, Transocean, Halliburton blamed by presidential Gulf oil spill commission

The presidential oil spill commission on Wednesday blamed the Gulf of Mexico oil spill last year on "missteps and oversights" by oil giant BP, rig owner Transocean and contractor Halliburton, saying those errors were "rooted in systemic failures" and could happen again.

The commission said that the April 20 blowout at BP's Macondo well was not inevitable, but rather a failure of management in which officials from all three firms ignored critical warning signs and failed to take precautions that might have delayed the completion of the well but also might have averted the environmental disaster.

In a chapter released from the final report due out next week, the commission said: "The blowout was not the product of a series of aberrational decisions made by rogue industry or government officials that could not have been anticipated or expected to occur again. Rather, the root causes are systemic and, absent significant reform in both industry practices and government policies, might well recur."

The document provided a detailed account of the missteps that led to the spill, but most of the details have been revealed in other reports or investigations so far. It recounts fateful decisions by all three major corporate actors, including the failure to use enough centralizers to keep the pipe in the middle of the well, choices about the type of steel pipe used, and failure to heed or share test results suggesting that the cement used to seal the well could fail.

In the case of the failure to use enough centralizers, the report said that "the evidence to date does not unequivocally establish whether" that was a "direct cause" of the blowout, but the commission said that it "illuminates the flaws in BP's management and design procedures, as well as poor communication between BP and Halliburton."

The commission report also cited a Dec. 23, 2009, North Sea incident on one of Transocean's rigs, which the commission said was an "eerily similar near-miss" to what happened at the Macondo well. Though Transocean told the commission the incident was irrelevant, the commission said, "The basic facts of both incidents are the same. Had the rig crew been adequately informed of the prior event and trained on its lessons, events at Macondo may have unfolded very differently."

William K. Reilly, co-chairman of the commission appointed by President Obama, said that the commission had concluded that the blowout reflected "a more pervasive problem" within the oil industry.

"Given the documented failings of both Transocean and Halliburton, both of which serve the offshore industry in virtually every ocean, I reluctantly conclude we have a system-wide problem," Reilly said.

Former senator and commission co-chair Bob Graham stressed the failure of regulators. He said, "The Macondo blowout was the product of several individual missteps and oversights by BP, Halliburton and Transocean, which government regulators lacked the authority, the necessary resources and the technical expertise to prevent."

The Interior Department issued a statement saying that it has "already identified, acknowledged, and spent months working aggressively to reform" offshore drilling. It said it would "continue to make the changes necessary to restore the American people's confidence in the safety and environmental soundness of oil and gas drilling and production on the Outer Continental Shelf."

Last May, President Obama appointed Reilly and Graham to oversee the National Commission on the BP Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill and Offshore Drilling and gave them a January 2011 deadline to submit a report. Unlike Congress, the Justice Department or other probes, the oil spill commission lacked subpoena power but still sought to uncover the reasons for the disaster. It also criticized federal regulators and some Obama administration members for their response to the spill.

But the most detailed descriptions in the chapter released Wednesday were of communications and decisions by BP, Transocean and Halliburton.

"The immediate cause of the Macondo blowout was a failure to contain hydrocarbon pressures in the well," the report said. "Three things could have contained those pressures: the cement at the bottom of the well, the mud in the well and in the riser, and the blowout preventer. But mistakes and failures to appreciate risk compromised each of those potential barriers, steadily depriving the rig crew of safeguards until the blowout was inevitable and, at the very end, uncontrollable."

The report highlighted a series of decisions that led to time-saving and cost-saving measures when alternatives were available. Rep. Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) said the report showed "that the underlying profits-over-safety pathology may be in temporary remission, but not fully cured."

The report said, "Most of the mistakes and oversights at Macondo can be traced back to a single overarching failure - a failure of management."

BP said it supports the commission's efforts and "is working with regulators and the industry to ensure that the lessons learned from Macondo lead to improvements in operations and contractor services in deepwater drilling." It said that it has already "instituted significant changes designed to further strengthen safety and risk management."

Transocean, meanwhile, sought to place blame with BP and regulators. "Consistent with industry standards, the procedures being conducted in the final hours were crafted and directed by BP engineers and approved in advance by federal regulators," the company said in a statement. "Based on the limited information made available to them, the Transocean crew took appropriate actions to gain control of the well. They were well trained and considered to be among the best in the business."

Halliburton issued a statement sharply criticizing the presidential commission and BP. It blamed BP for failing to run a cement bond log test, which it called "the only means to test the integrity of the cement bond." It said "had BP properly interpreted the negative tests, the tests would have revealed any problems with the cement job." The company also reiterated disputes about the commission's description of February and April lab tests of cement mixtures as failures, and asserted that Halliburton's engineer on the Deepwater Horizon rig had received notice of satisfactory test results. Halliburton also accused the commission of having "selectively omitted information we provided to them."

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Waste from BP oil spill cleanup has gulf residents near landfills concerned

GRAND ISLE, LA. -- The pile of soiled boom sitting more than four feet high and cooking under the summer sun at an abandoned shipyard here will be a part of the oil spill that endures.

As beach cleanup is scaled down, the fate of all the oily trash created and collected along the Gulf Coast is causing a raging debate that BP and federal officials are trying hard to curb.

"We're getting all kinds of complaints from people," said Burnell Tolbert, president of the NAACP branch in nearby Lafourche Parish, a staging area where more than 2,500 tons of waste has been deposited.

People want to know what is in those trash bags, where they will end up and if the workers handling the oily trash are safe, he said.

The answers are leaving important groups unsatisfied. One coastal county threatened to sue BP if it continues to put trash from the spill in a local landfill. Not wanting to get into a tussle with the residents, the company relented, diverting the trash to other landfills. Others are arguing that too much of the trash is going to low-income and minority communities.

The oil from BP's rig explosion in April has already created more than 45,000 tons of garbage -- the solid oil and all the materials used to gather it -- and much more oily liquid waste. The trash is being shipped every day to nine landfills that store household garbage and non-hazardous industrial waste in communities across Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida.

The Coast Guard, the Environmental Protection Agency and BP are "working hand in hand" to manage all that trash -- and are reaching out to community groups to try to allay fears that chemicals from the oil-soaked material could seep into the groundwater drinking supply, said BP spokesman Scott Dean.

The federal government issued a 34-page plan directing BP to recycle and reuse as much trash as it can and to post information about the trash it is collecting online. (So far about 50 tons of trash has been recycled, according to BP.) The government also has asked the company to start holding meetings with the communities around the landfills.

Still, contractors working for BP bag tons of trash daily. From Grand Isle alone, anywhere between eight and 16 dump trucks a day carry trash to landfills throughout Louisiana. The oily water is processed for refining.

From the isle, waste is trucked to places such as Venice, La. -- a small strip of land surrounded by bayous in the southernmost reaches of the state. The big landfill there -- with its rolling hills of decaying metal and household trash -- has already received 2,800 tons of oily waste, according to BP.

'A slap in the face'

Kindra Arnesen, who lives about four miles from the landfill, sent her children to live 200 miles inland because she's worried about all that the oil spill has left in its wake.

"I grew up being told not to even throw a Coke bottle in the bayou," she said. "Now look. What are we leaving for our children?"

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